2010: 25 years in the struggle/25 años en la lucha
 
Movement History
Susan West Friedman Presente! PDF Print E-mail
Written by FRSO/OSCL   
Tuesday, 29 December 2009 02:11

"I was born into the universe, not just one country… So much to explore, experience, touching, feeling life.  Life does not only belong to me. We all belong to each other.  Just that one thought could take a lifetime to practice." – Susan West, January 20th, 1972

Susan West Friedman
Susan West Friedman

Susan was an enthusiastic member of Freedom Road Socialist Organization, believing that it was essential to have an internationalist, long-term, post-capitalist, vision to complement grassroots activism. Susan was relatively new to San Diego.  She made an indelible mark in just 4 years and developed a multitude of friends in short order. She joined the Board of Directors of Activist San Diego and served as one of its officers.  Susan reveled in the idea of building a network for social justice, that would engage new people and anticipated the pending launch of ASD’s FM Community Radio Project.  The Iraq/Afghan wars were so abhorrent to her that she seldom missed a San Diego Coalition for Peace and Justice meeting, worked with Code Pink and was passionate about the Stop Blackwater campaign.  After attending the US Social Forum in Atlanta she contributed her organizing skills to create a similar project locally.  We could go on...

Last Updated on Thursday, 31 December 2009 22:34
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A Revolutionary Perspective on Fourth of July PDF Print E-mail
Written by Frederick Douglass   
Friday, 18 September 2009 03:25

 
  Frederick Douglass  
A Revolutionary Perspective on Fourth of July from Fredrick Douglas:  The Meaning of July Fourth for the Negro

Forget what you've been told: the American Revolution was not a revolution, but a white men's bourgeois war of independence.

The orthodox among us might be reminded of the concepts of "bourgeois democratic revolution"--the winning of independence before socialist revolution, a theoretically necessary precondition.  If we were still a colony of England, how can we have any freedom at all?  But the truth of the matter is that the so-called revolution, the American War of Independence, wasn't really that at all.  When the Great White Fathers signed the Declaration of Independence, they were signing it for themselves. Not for the slaves that they owned, or the women that they kept at home. Not for the indigenous peoples whose stolen land it was being declared independent.  Not the indentured servants and not the courtesans.  And that contradiction was obvious to all of the people left out of that document.  Today we might be able to unite with some of that history--Don't Tread on Me, Unite or Die--but mostly it's a history of a victory for the people who ruled and rule this country, and for the rest of us, well...

Last Updated on Thursday, 01 October 2009 19:12
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Remembering Jackie Robinson PDF Print E-mail
Written by Jamala Rogers   
Wednesday, 09 May 2007 18:27

Baseball celebrated one of its most iconic figures ever during the recent 60th anniversary of Jackie Robinson's step onto the dusty field of the Brooklyn Dodgers stadium. Robinson and his family made tall sacrifices in order to be a part of the "Great Experiment" that integrated baseball.

As a child growing up in a segregated America, I heard plenty about Jackie Robinson. Every self-respecting black family had a place for him in their home.

Hank Aaron would write that he believed every black person in America had a piece of those pennants won by the Dodgers thanks to Jackie. "We were all with Jackie. We slid into every base that he swiped, ducked at every fastball that hurtled toward his head."

Last Updated on Thursday, 01 October 2009 19:17
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If a Tree Falls in the Forest... PDF Print E-mail
Written by Bryan Proffitt   
Monday, 06 March 2006 20:35

{mosimage}We stood on her shoulders. All of us race traitors, us "whiggers," us "n----- lovers," and white folks that decided that we'd rather cast ourselves into the identity oblivion than sit one more minute comfortably on the porch of white supremacy. She was a worker, and so we knew we had to work. She loved the South because she knew what it could be, and so we did. She sat and talked with us, and so we shared. She never backed down.

Anne Braden died today.

Others who knew her, and others who studied her life more intensely, will write with much more expertise about the particulars of her journey than I can muster. In particular, I would recommend the recent work Subversive Southerner: Anne Braden and the Struggle for Racial Justice in the Cold War South by Catherine Fosl. I can't think about specifics right now, I'm still stuck in the dizzying spirit drop that set in immediately after I read the news today.

Many of you reading this won't even know who Anne Braden was. Like the Grimke sisters, and John Brown, and, and, well -- damn, see, the names just don't come that easily -- Anne chose to eschew the plunder of whiteness for a lifetime of struggle for racial justice. This struggle had high and low points, as it spanned over 50 years of activism and organizing, and it deserves to be memorialized.

Last Updated on Thursday, 01 October 2009 19:14
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Paul Robeson Centennial: 1898-1998 PDF Print E-mail
Written by African Peoples Commission   
Monday, 01 June 1998 13:03

To top it off, Robeson went on to become an enormously talented actor and singer who broke down barriers to African American artists again and again. (In fact, it's both surprising and a bit of a relief to learn that, in spite of Robeson's talent and grasp of our culture, the great jazz musician Count Basie said after a failed recording session with him, "It's an honor to be working with Mr. Robeson, but the man certainly can't sing the blues.")

The mainstream media this year are full of centennial pieces celebrating Paul Robeson. It's much like the media hype about Malcolm X we lived through a few years back. This system is always ready to make saints of its enemies once they are dead, in the hope of burying their message. It serves their interests to paint Paul Robeson as a larger-than-life figure. Let's face it, all of us know we aren't super-heroes, so what have we to learn from a giant like Robeson?

The answer is plenty. Here we highlight three important lessons that you won't find in the Sunday newspaper tributes.

Standing with the People

First, Paul Robeson's life was one full of choices. For all the barriers which confronted him, his colossal talent and intellect could easily have let him live a most luxurious existence. He chose not to remain silent in the face of racist insults to make his way in the world. It was when a white secretary refused to take dictation from him that he turned away from the practice of law. Later, he chose to refuse film roles he thought were stereotyped or demeaning.

And most important, he chose to stand with his sisters and brothers and with all poor and working people. He spent his entire adult life as an active combatant against oppression and exploitation. For three decades, when there was a rally, a strike picket line, a fund-raising benefit for a worthy cause, Robeson was there. His mighty bass voice could have filled many more concert halls than it did, but he made a choice: he would not put his talent at the service of those who could pay him the most for it.

Courageous in Facing the Enemy

Second, the choices he made required more than simply that he sacrifice the good life, they demanded enormous courage of him. When the anti-communist witchhunts now known as McCarthyism singled him out in the early '50s, he stood up proudly for his beliefs, though it meant the destruction of his career, the confiscation of his passport, the likelihood of jail, and even threats of death. To congressmen who asked why he didn't live in the Soviet Union if he didn't like the system here, he growled in defiance. "My father was a slave and my people died to build this country and I'm going to stay right here and have a part of it, just like you. And no fascist-minded people like you will drive me from it. Is that clear?"

But his courage stemmed in part from the choice that he made to stand with the people, because they stood with him and gave him strength. In August 1949, an open-air Robeson concert was scheduled in Peekskill, N.Y. After the first few hundred concert-goers arrived, the site was attacked by a savage mob of white veterans and assorted thugs and racists, who had been whipped up by anti-Robeson articles in the local press. The cops and state police stood by and watched as dozens were injured in a battle that ebbed and flowed for several hours. Most people never made it to the grounds, including Paul Robeson.

Robeson insisted that the concert be rescheduled for Peekskill the very next week despite the death threats that poured in. He bravely took the stage and sang. Behind him was a tight semi-circle made up of fifteen members of the Fur & Leather Workers union, Black and white, who formed a human shield against threatened sniper fire.

Internationalist and Freedom Fighter

Third, the struggle of the African American people were always the starting point for Paul Robeson, and he came early on to see this movement as one strand in a web of struggle against national oppression and capitalism which reached across the globe. Anyone who attended one of his magnificent concerts heard this live. They were centered on songs that reflected the Black struggle from slavery days forward, songs like "Go Down Moses" and "This is the Hammer." But the program would also contain songs of the U.S. labor movement, like "I Dreamed I Saw Joe Hill," and peoples' tunes and anthems from around the world, from Mexican lullabies to the marching anthem of the China's Red Army, "Chee Lai."

It was this internationalist perspective that more than anything else made Robeson the target of capitalist rage, especially during the McCarthy era. He dared to say that African Americans had no interest in defending the Jim Crow system of the U.S. in what many saw as an inevitable war with the Soviet Union. Furthermore, he praised the USSR for its efforts against racism. Though he paid a terrible price for his brave stand, his argument helped create favorable conditions for the rising civil rights movement. It focused the attention of wiser strategists for U.S. imperialism on the way that the naked oppression of African Americans undercut the U.S. claim to be the world bastion of democracy. They saw that changes, preferably cosmetic changes to be sure, were essential if the U.S. were to have any influence among the masses in Africa, Asia and Latin America who were surging toward independence.

In his stand of defiance toward U.S. military adventures, Paul Robeson calls to mind another larger-than-life figure in the Black struggle, the heavyweight champ Muhammad Ali. At the height of the Vietnam War, Ali announced that he would not take part, declaring "No Vietcong ever called me 'Nigger.'" Like Robeson, Ali paid a heavy price for his principles; yet both were buoyed up in their trials by the deep affection and support of African Americans and freedom-loving people everywhere.

Paul Robeson was a giant of a human being, but his true greatness lies in the life he led--a life of standing with the people, speaking out and fighting in their interests and refusing to be bullied or bought by their enemies. And when we praise and remember him, we should also remember that these are things all of us can strive to emulate in our own lives.

African Peoples Commission
Freedom Road Socialist Organization
June 1998
Last Updated on Friday, 19 June 2009 04:32
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